Learning Phonology With Substantive Bias: An Experimental and Computational Study of Velar Palatalization

By Colin Wilson. Cognitive Sciences, 2006

465 citations recorded by the source corpus.

Subfields: Experimental and Cognitive Psychology, Language and Linguistics

View Paper: https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/1f267e6312aad5b8ff0a427995a85987a67a1470

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Citations in the corpus

Grammaticality and Ungrammaticality in Phonology (2008, background): “5 See also Moreton (2006) and Wilson (2006) for arguments that phonological learning needs access to more than frequency statistics.”
Testing the role of phonetic knowledge in Mandarin tone sandhi* (2010, methodology): “Wilson (2006) showed that when speakers were presented with highly impoverished evidence of a new phonological pattern, they were able to extend the pattern to novel contexts predicted by a phonetically based phonology and linguistic typology, but not to other contexts; for instance, speakers…”
The bilingual advantage in phonetic learning* (2014, background): “For instance, it may be possible to base predictions on linguistic (Ettlinger & Johnson, 2009; Jakobson, 1968; Jusczyk, 1998; Ohala, 1992; Wilson, 2006) and perceptual (Best, 1995; Flege, 1995; Kuhl, 1993) theories, and develop a rank ordering of learnability of phonetic features.”
Gradual Learning and Convergence (2008, background): “…OT, other theories of variation in OT (e.g., Anttila 1997, Coetzee 2004, Jarosz 2006), and log-linear models of grammar that directly assign a probability distribution to the candidate set (Johnson 2002, Goldwater and Johnson 2003, Jäger and Rosenbach 2006, Wilson 2006, Jäger, to appear).”
Can neural networks acquire a structural bias from raw linguistic data? (2020, methodology): “y, Frank, and Linzen (2018, 2020) to evaluate whether BERT has a structural or linear bias when generalizing about structure-dependent English phenomena. We follow the poverty of the stimulus design (Wilson, 2006), outlined in Figure 1. First, we ﬁnetune BERT to perform a classiﬁcation task using da”
Learning Helpful Inductive Biases from Self-Supervised Pretraining (2020, methodology): “Second, we conduct ambiguous experiments following the poverty of the stimulus design (Wilson, 2006), as illustrated in Figure 1.”
The Role of Phonetic Knowledge in Phonological Patterning: Corpus and Survey Evidence from Tagalog Infixation (2007, background): “See Wilson (2006) for a development and implementation of the idea of soft biases within a constraint-based framework.”
Studying the Inductive Biases of RNNs with Synthetic Variations of Natural Languages (2019, methodology): “To test this hypothesis in a controlled way, we adopt the “poverty of the stimulus” paradigm (Wilson, 2006; Culbertson and Adger, 2014; McCoy et al., 2018): we withhold all evidence that disambiguates these two hypotheses (namely, all”
Human few-shot learning of compositional instructions (2019, methodology): “We devised a new set of seq2seq problems that were intentionally ambiguous and compatible with a number of possible generalizations, related to the “poverty of the stimulus” paradigm in experimental linguistics (Wilson, 2006; McCoy, Frank, & Linzen, 2018).”
A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning (2008, background): “For experimental evidence in favor of learning biases, and a mechanism (based on maximum entropy) whereby they could be incorporated into a general learning scheme, see Wilson 2006.”
Glides, vowels, and features (2008, background): “In a learning generalization task involving made-up language games, Wilson (2006) finds that subjects generalize palatalizing mutation of velars before [e] to mutation before [i], but not the reverse.”
On the role of locality in learning stress patterns* (2009, background): “In this way, this work lends support to the idea that properties of the learner can explain certain properties of the attested typology, an idea not straightforwardly available in optimality-theoretic and Principle and Parameter frameworks.”