Political Ignorance and Collective Policy Preferences

By Martin Gilens. American Political Science Review, 2001

644 citations recorded by the source corpus.

Subfields: Political Science and International Relations, Sociology and Political Science

View Paper: https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/6b23f467723a0daa27712f4ceb9130a5408c0158

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Citations in the corpus

Visual Political Knowledge: A Different Road to Competence? (2013, background): “People may relate the person and an attribute of the person (conceptual representation) without recognizing the persons’ name (phonological representation) because ‘‘most models of name retrieval hold that activation of phonological representations occurs only after activation of conceptual and…”
Affective Polarization and Ideological Sorting: A Reciprocal, Albeit Weak, Relationship (2018, methodology): “To test this claim, I again use the 1984–2016 ANES data, divide respondents by political knowledge tertile, as indicated by the survey interviewer’s rating of respondent political knowledge (Bartels 1996; Gilens 2001; Lelkes and Sniderman 2016), and examine changes in affective polarization.”
Undermining the Corrective Effects of Media‐Based Political Fact Checking? The Role of Contextual Cues and Naïve Theory (2013, background): “policies in the Middle East and Afghanistan (see Coll, 2004; Gibbs, 2005; Moore, 2004)—but the position clearly challenges hegemonic cultural conventions about how Americans view the terrorism.”
Does political knowledge increase turnout? Evidence from the 1997 British general election (2007, positive): “Although measures of political knowledge tend to be correlated (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996), Gilens (2001) shows that policy-specific knowledge may have a greater impact on political preferences than general knowledge.”
When Corrections Fail: The Persistence of Political Misperceptions (2010, neutral): “In some cases, factual information was found to change respondents' policy preferences (Kuklinski et al. 2000 [study 2]; Bullock 2007; Gilens 2001; Howell and West 2009), while in other cases it did not (Kuklinkski et al. 2000 [study 1]; Sides and Citrin 2007).”
The roles of information deficits and identity threat in the prevalence of misperceptions (2019, background): “From myths about “death panels” to skewed beliefs about the economy, misperceptions can distort public debate and warp people’s preferences over policies and candidates (Althaus 1998; Gilens 2001; Bartels 2002; Kull, Ramsay, and Lewis 2003).”
How Ideological Migration Geographically Segregates Groups (2014, neutral): “, knowing the composition of the Supreme Court or the number of members of the House of Representatives (Gilens, 2001; Kuklinski & Quirk, 2001) – but that they do have a good deal of political knowledge that is actually useful to them (Carney et al.”
Labor market concerns and support for immigration (2020, background): “…also contribute to a broader literature that tries to understand the determinants and malleability of people’s policy preferences by experimentally manipulating beliefs (Alesina et al., 2017; Cruces et al., 2013; Gilens, 2001; Karadja et al., 2016; Kuklinski et al., 2000; Kuziemko et al., 2015).”
Is a Worried Citizen a Good Citizen? Emotions, Political Information Seeking, and Learning via the Internet (2008, background): “Second, plentiful circumstantial evidence suggests that deficits in basic political information are consequential for democratic representation (Althaus, 1998; Bartels, 1996; Gilens, 2001).”
Misinformed About the Affordable Care Act? Leveraging Certainty to Assess the Prevalence of Misperceptions (2015, positive): “Much research suggests that the information that people have about political issues affects their policy preferences and behaviors (Bartels, 1996; Gilens, 2001; Luskin, Fishkin, & Jowell, 2002).”