Cognitive and linguistic factors affecting subject/object asymmetry: An eye-tracking study of prenominal relative clauses in Korean
By Nayoung Kwon, Peter C. Gordon, Yoonhyoung Lee, R. Kluender, M. Polinsky. 2010
131 citations recorded by the source corpus.
Object relatives (ORs) have been reported to cause heavier processing loads than subject relatives (SRs) in both pre- and postnominal position (prenominal relatives: Miyamoto & Nakamura 2003, Kwon 2008, Ueno & Garnsey 2008; postnominal relatives: King & Just 1991, King & Kutas 1995, Traxler et al. 2002). In this article, we report the results of two eye-tracking studies of Korean prenominal relative clauses that confirm a processing advantage for subject relatives both with and without supporting context. These results are shown to be compatible with accounts involving the accessibility hierarchy (Keenan & Comrie 1977), phrase-structural complexity (O’Grady 1997), and probabilistic structural disambiguation (Mitchell et al. 1995, Hale 2006), partially compatible with similarity-based interference (Gordon et al. 2001), but incompatible with linear/temporal analyses of filler-gap dependencies (Gibson 1998, 2000, Lewis & Vasishth 2005, Lewis et al. 2006).
Subfields: Cognitive Neuroscience, Experimental and Cognitive Psychology
View Paper: https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/b3f78b92634e79a7950c474ac8f81fcd83a4fc4d
Citations in the corpus
- REANALYSIS IN ADULT HERITAGE LANGUAGE (2011, unknown): “…& Friederici, 1995 ; Schriefers, Friederici, & Kühn, 1995 ; Schwartz, 2007 , for German; MacWhinney & Pleh, 1988 , for Hungarian; Arnon, 2005 , for Hebrew; Miyamoto & Nakamura, 2003 , for Japanese; Kwon, 2008 ; Kwon, Polinsky, & Kluender, 2006 ; Kwon et al., 2010 , for Korean, to name just a few).”