The economics of happiness
By Richard A. Easterlin. Daedalus, 2004
111 citations recorded by the source corpus.
Daedalus Spring 2004 Most of us, I think it is safe to say, would like to be happier, would like, indeed, to hold the ‘keys to happiness.’ For centuries the contemplation of this desire was the exclusive preserve of philosophers and theologians, who speculated and offered prescriptions on ‘the good life.’ Only fairly recently has it come into the domain of social science– 1⁄2rst in psychiatry, where depression had been the object of concern, and then, since around 1950, in the mainstream social sciences. The impetus for social science research in this area during the last half century has been the development of population surveys inquiring into people’s feelings of well-being. A very simple survey question, for example, might ask a respondent, “In general, how happy would you say you are–very happy, pretty happy, or not so happy?” Another question might be, “How satis1⁄2ed are you with your life as a whole– very, somewhat, so-so, not very, or not at all?” Over the years a substantial methodological literature has developed to consider the value of the answers to such questions. The professional consensus is that the responses, though not unproblematic, are meaningful and reasonably comparable among various groups of individuals. Although there are subtle differences between happiness and life satisfaction, I will treat them for the present purpose as interchangeable measures of overall feelings of well-being, that is, of subjective well-being. My focus will be on what we are learning from the survey data on the causes of subjective wellbeing, and, based on this, what we might do as individuals to improve it. As I go along I shall discuss two prominent and contrasting theories of wellbeing, one from psychology, one from economics. In psychology, setpoint theory has gained increasing attention in the last decade or so. Each individual is thought to have a 1⁄2xed setpoint of happiness or life satisfaction determined by genetics and personality; life events such as marriage or divorce, job loss, or serious injury or disease may temporarily Richard A. Easterlin
Subfields: Social Psychology
View Paper: https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/09e12ac07c6d7c54a89f7886cdd7c43eda156e08
How researchers see this paper
The researchers whose trusted networks rank it highest, strongest advocate first. Every researcher gets a different order.
In Social Psychology
Citations in the corpus
- Paradoxes of happiness (2008, background): “To be sure, fixed-point and fixed-range approaches to happiness are themselves contested, and it seems that at least some major life events, for example marriage, divorce, and unemployment, do modify our happiness range (Biswas-Diener et al. 2004; Easterlin 2004).”
- Does a happy destination bring you happiness? Evidence from Swiss inbound tourism (2018, background): “It has been well acknowledged in the literature that happiness, or subjective well-being, can be defined by cognitive life satisfaction and affective emotions (Easterlin, 2001, 2004, 2013; Diener, 2000; Nawijn, 2010a; Nawijn et al., 2010).”
- Does residents' perceived life satisfaction vary with tourist season? A two-step survey in a Mediterranean destination (2016, methodology): “Although differences exist, the term well-being is often used as a synonym of subjective happiness, life satisfaction or quality of life (Woo, Kin, & Uysal, 2015; Easterlin, 2004; McGillivray and Clarke, 2006; Veenhoven, 2007).”