The winner takes it all — almost: cumulativity in grammatical variation

By Gerhard Jäger, A. Rosenbach. 2006

112 citations recorded by the source corpus.

Subfields: Artificial Intelligence, Developmental and Educational Psychology, Language and Linguistics

View Paper: https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/04419058e11cac418d5228680bea4a64d8c85685

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Citations in the corpus

English genitive variation – the state of the art1 (2014, methodology): “24 Jäger & Rosenbach (2006) use the empirical finding that the otherwise strongest factor of animacy can be overruled by considerations of syntactic weight in genitive choice, as briefly described in section 3.1 above, as an argument against the principle of strict constraint domination, one of the ”
Gradient Grammar: An Effect of Animacy on the Syntax of give in New Zealand and American English (2008, background): “(See Anttila and Fong 2004, Bresnan and Nikitina 2003, Hale 2003, Jäger and Rosenbach 2006, Levy 2005, Manning 2003, Smith and Cormack 2002 and Yang 2004 for various perspectives.)”
Gradual Learning and Convergence (2008, background): “…values, including ones in more elaborate connectionist learners, as well as ones in statistical models, most notably stochastic gradient ascent (see relatedly Jäger and Rosenbach 2006, Jäger, to appear) and the generalized linear model for regression analysis (see relatedly Keller 2000, 2006).”
Intersecting constraint families: An argument for harmonic grammar (2017, background): “Third, as with all forms of harmonic grammar (and unlike in strict-ranking OT), there is pervasive cumulativity (Jäger & Rosenbach 2006): violations of two weaker constraints (or multiple violations of a single weak constraint) can outweigh a violation of a stronger constraint.”
A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning (2008, background): “(For discussion and evidence concerning ganging, see Keller 2000, Jäger and Rosenbach 2006, and Pater, Bhatt, and Potts 2007.)”
Locality and globality in phonological variation (2011, methodology): “A Maximum Entropy model of variation within OT (MaxEnt/OT) (Goldwater and Johnson, 2003; Jäger and Rosenbach, 2006) permits locally optional candidates to win some of the time (Jesney, 2007).”
Weighted Constraints in Generative Linguistics (2009, background): “Finally, for each input, the choice of output is categorical in the sense that it cannot vary probabilistically (cf. Boersma & Pater, 2008; Goldrick & Daland, 2009; Goldwater & Johnson, 2003; Jäger & Rosenbach, 2006; Wilson, 2006).”